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                            青島希尼爾翻譯咨詢有限公司(www.jdzzqp.icu)整理發布  2015-10-14


                            青島希尼爾翻譯公司(www.jdzzqp.icu)2015年10月14日了解到: 香港首富和中國官媒不久前各執一詞的口水仗,極大地揭示了中共從中國經濟崛起中獲得的自信。 Mr Li shows CEOs how to deal with China
                            Last week’s he-said, they-said war of words between Hong Kong’s richest man and Chinese state media says much about the confidence that the Communist party has gained from the country’s economic rise.

                            In particular, Li Ka-shing’s run-in with the People’s Daily highlights a shift over the past decade in the relationship between the party and business interests — whether recently-minted private sector billionaires or multinational companies. 李嘉誠(Li Ka-shing)與《人民日報》(People’s Daily)的口角,格外凸顯了過去10年中共與商界——無論是最近發跡的私營部門億萬富翁還是跨國公司——之間關系的轉變。

                            In the mid-1990s, the then Chinese president Jiang Zemin had been deferential in his dealings with Mr Li and the city’s other tycoons — conscious that Hong Kong investors were at the forefront of a foreign investment bonanza transforming China’s economy. Mr Jiang also knew the tycoons’ support was essential to ensure the UK colony’s smooth transition from British to Chinese rule in 1997. 上世紀90年代中期,時任中國國家主席的江澤民在與李嘉誠及其他香港大亨打交道時姿態較低——他知道香港投資者處于助推中國經濟轉型的境外投資熱潮的最前線。江澤民也知道,這些大亨的支持對于確保1997年香港主權順利移交至關重要。

                            At that time, it was inconceivable that commentators at tightly-controlled state media organisation would be able to cast aspersions on Mr Li’s patriotism, or accuse him of selling down his investments on the mainland — accusations that last week prompted an unusual public rebuttal from the usually low-key tycoon. 在那個時候,我們很難想象受到嚴格管控的官媒機構的評論員可以中傷李嘉誠的愛國精神、或指責他從內地撤資。關于“撤資”的指責使得這位一向低調的企業大亨予以了罕見的公開反駁。

                            But, today, Mr Li and his Hong Kong peers are not the only big businessmen that the party sees as subjects from whom deference is expected, rather than as natural partners. Chairmen and chief executives from the world’s largest companies, once routinely feted in Beijing, have had their status similarly downgraded. 但是,如今中共認為應對自己展現順服、而不是應作為自己天然合作伙伴的大商人不只是李嘉誠及其他香港大亨。一度常常受到北京方面盛情款待的那些世界大型企業的董事長和首席執行官們,待遇也都降低了。

                            Besides Hong Kong investors, Mr Jiang’s other preoccupations in the 1990s included negotiations over China’s accession to the World Trade Organisation. Scarcely a week passed without the chief executive of IBM or some other behemoth dropping by for a chat with China’s president, in an encounter often featured at the top of the evening news on China Central Television. 除了香港的投資者外,上世紀90年代江澤民的當務之急還包括中國加入世貿組織(WTO)的談判。幾乎每周都有IBM或其他大企業的首席執行官順道造訪,與中國國家主席聊一聊,而這種會面通常都會成為中央電視臺晚間《新聞聯播》的頭條。

                            In a recent memoir, Hank Paulson revealed the remarkable access that he and other investment bank bosses had to top party leaders at that time. There was a simple reason: Mr Jiang and his premier, Zhu Rongji, needed the expertise of the then Goldman Sachs chief executive and his colleagues to pull off their make-or-break restructuring of a bankrupt banking system. 在最近出版的回憶錄中,漢克?保爾森(Hank Paulson)披露了當時他和其他投資銀行掌門人在與中共高層領導人會面方面享有的極大優待。當時有一個很簡單的理由:江澤民及其總理朱镕基需要當時擔任高盛(Goldman Sachs)首席執行官的保爾森及其同行的專業知識,來完成中國瀕臨破產的銀行體系孤注一擲的重組。

                            Once Beijing had secured WTO membership, and finished restructuring its banks, this remarkable era of open collaboration ended. 而當中國獲得了WTO成員資格、也完成了銀行業重組后,這種令人矚目的開放式合作的時代也就結束了。

                            As a new leadership team shifted its focus to the development of China’s rural hinterlands, high-profile meetings with Wall Street’s Masters of the Universe and other corporate titans were no longer politically correct. 隨著新一代領導班子將重心轉向發展中國內地農村地區,與華爾街(Wall Street)的那些“宇宙主宰者”(Masters of the Universe)以及其他企業巨頭高調會面,在政治上便不再正確。

                            It is a dynamic that continues under the “strongman” presidency of Xi Jinping. In Mr Xi’s world, there is just one Master of the Universe. 在習近平“強人”式執政下,這種趨勢繼續發展。在習近平的世界里,“宇宙主宰者”只有一個。

                            Of the current seven members of the party’s most powerful body, the Politburo Standing Committee, only Wang Qishan continues to tap western business contacts on a regular basis, albeit discreetly. Mr Wang held financial portfolios through the Jiang-Zhu era, which has given him an international Rolodex that none of his communist colleagues possess. 在中國最高權力機構中央政治局常委目前的7位常委中,只有王岐山繼續定期利用他在西方商界的相識,盡管他是以小心謹慎的態度這樣做的。在整個江朱時代,王岐山一直主持金融方面的工作,這使他在國際商界積累了其他中共同僚都沒有的聯絡簿。

                            But, friends of Wang aside, any foreign executives hoping for top-level access to Mr Xi’s administration must make do with short, highly scripted and content-free encounters — as evidenced by the president’s roundtable with select chief executives during a state visit to the US last month. 但是,除了王岐山的朋友,任何希望接觸習近平政府高層的外國高管都只能接受那種簡短、高度照本宣科、內容空洞的會面——習近平在上個月訪美期間與經過挑選的首席執行官們舉行的圓桌會議可以印證這一點。

                            Yet still they lap it up. Mark Zuckerberg, who speaks broken Chinese and revels in every opportunity to show it off, declared his brief handshake and chat with Mr Xi “a meaningful personal milestone”. 不過,他們仍然勁頭十足地接受了。會說一點蹩腳中文、并且盡一切機會炫耀自己中文的馬克?扎克伯格(Mark Zuckerberg)宣稱,他與習近平短暫的握手和交談“對他個人而言是一個意義重大的里程碑”。

                            Previously, the Facebook founder had tried to impress Lu Wei, head of the Chinese government body that blocks his company’s website in China. During a tour of Facebook’s offices for China’s censorship tsar last year, a volume of Mr Xi’s speeches was clearly visible on Mr Zuckerberg’s desk. 此前,這位Facebook的創始人還曾試圖給魯煒留下深刻印象——在中國屏蔽了Facebook的中國政府部門正是由后者負責的。去年,在參觀Facebook辦公室時,這位手握中國互聯網審查大權的高官發現,一本收錄習近平講話的書籍赫然擺在扎克伯格的桌上。

                            Mr Zuckerberg could learn much from Mr Li when it comes to dealing with China. Although the Chinese Communist party may not have particularly liked the tycoon’s riposte last week, the one thing it understands and respects more than anything else is strength. 在如何與中國打交道的問題上,扎克伯格可以從李嘉誠身上學到很多。盡管中共可能不太喜歡這位香港大亨不久前的尖銳回應,但中國最懂且最尊重的一樣東西就是實力。


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